Saturday, August 29, 2009

our burning madesh

विजेता सिंह/ जनकपुर, १३ भदौ

उपराष्ट्रपति परमानन्द झालाई नेपाली भाषामा सपथ लिनको लागि सर्वोच्च अदालतले दिएको निर्देशनको विरोध मधेशी युवा फोरमको आव्हानमा गराइएको बन्दका कारण तराइका धनुषा,सिराहा, महोत्तरी, रौतहट, नवलपरासी लगायतका जिल्लाहरु प्रभावित बनेका छन्।
बन्दका कारण धनुषासहितका जिल्लामा यातायातका साधनहरु ठप्प भएको छ भने औषधि पसलबाहेक बजार पनि बन्द गराइएको छ।
नेपालका एक मात्र रेल्वे सेवा अवरुद्ध छ। बजारमा साइकल र रिक्सा बाहेक केही चलेका छैनन्।
सर्वोच्चको फैसलाको विरोधमा जनकपुरमा बिहानैदेखि मधेशी युवा फोरमका कार्यकर्ताहरु प्रदर्शन गरिरहेका छन्। बन्दको क्रममा जनकपुरको रामानन्द चोकमा प्रदर्शनकारीमाथि प्रहरीले लाठी प्रहार गर्दा फोरमका दर्जनौ कार्यकर्ता घाइते भएका छन्।
प्रहरीको लाठीचार्जबाट युवा फोरमका केन्द्रीय सदस्य ललित मण्डल, रा.रा.व. क्याम्पसका स्ववियु सह–सचिव संजय यादव घाइते भएका छन। उनीहरु दुबैलाई प्रहरीले पक्राउ गरेको छ। त्यसैगरी जनकपुर अञ्चल अस्पतालमा उपचार गराउन पुगेका फोरमका कार्यकर्ता सुनिल यादव र सन्तोष साहलाई पनि प्रहरीले पक्राउ गरेको छ।
प्रहरीको लाठीचार्जबाट फोरम धनुषाका इन्चार्ज मुकेश यादव,धनुषा सदस्य श्याम मण्डल, रामदयाल मण्डलसहित दर्जनौ कार्यकर्ताहरु घाइते भएका फोरमले जनाएको छ।
फोरमका कार्यकर्ताहरुले जनकचौकमा उपराष्ट्रपति झाको प्रकरणमा नेपाली भाषामा सपथ लिने भनी भ्रामक समाचार प्रकाशन गरेको भन्दै नागरिक र रिपब्लीकाका दर्जनौ प्रति जलाएका छन।
जनक चोकमा आयोजित कोण सभामा युवा फोरमका केन्द्रिय सचिव अशोक मण्डलले शान्तिपूर्ण आन्दोलनमा प्रहरीले बल प्रयोग गरी हस्तक्षेप गरेको प्रति भत्सर्ना गरे।
त्यसैगरी फोरमका धनुषा संयोजक मुकेश यादवले उपराष्ट्रपति झाले कुनै पनि हालतमा नेपाली भाषामा सपथ नलिने भन्दै भ्रममा नपर्न आग्रह गरे।
यसरीनै मधेसी जनअधिकार फोरम मधेसले जनकपुरको जनकचोकमा शनिबार मधेशको कालो दिन भएको भनी धर्नामा बसेका छन्।
गत २०६४ भदौ १३ गते सरकार तर्फबाट रामचन्द्र पौडेल र फोरमका अध्यक्ष उपेन्द्र यादव बीच भएको सम्झौता मधेस आन्दोलनसँग धोका गरेको भन्दै फोरम मधेशका नेताहरु धर्नामा बसेका छन्। फोरम मधेशका केन्द्रिय उपाध्यक्ष रामप्रकाश साह,केन्द्रिय सचिव दिपक कुमार झा,धनुषा इन्चार्ज इन्द्र कुमार मधेशानन्दसहितका नेता तथा कार्यकर्ताहरु धर्नामा बसेका छन्।
प्रर्दशनकारीहरुले स्थानीय पिराडी चौकमा ज १ ख २९२ नम्बरको बसलाई तोडफोड गरी क्षतिग्रस्त बनाएका छन्।

यसैगरी मधेशी विद्यार्थी मञ्चले सुनसरीको लौकहीमा प्रहरीले लाठी चार्ज गर्दा छ जना घाइते भएको जनाएको छ।
प्रहरीले सुनसरीको इनरुवामा राजमार्ग अवरुद्ध गर्न खोज्ने एक दर्जनलाई पक्राउ गरेको छ। त्यहाँ भने यातायात सुचारु भएको छ।

Thursday, August 27, 2009

see madesh

महासंघ अध्यक्ष झा नै सर्वोच्चको फैसलाविरुद्ध

नेपाल पत्रकार महासंघका अध्यक्ष धर्मेन्द्र झाले सर्वोच्च अदालतद्वारा उपराष्ट्रपति परमानन्द झालाई नेपाली भाषामा सपथ खानैपर्ने बाध्यात्मक फैसलाले देश पुरानै दिशामा फर्केको आरोप लगाउनुभएको छ ।
सबैको भाषा, संस्कृति र परम्परालाई आत्मसात् गर्न देश संघीय गणतन्त्र तर्फउन्मुख भएको बेला अदालतले एउटै भाषाको वकालत गर्नु उचित नरहेको जिकिर समेत उहाँले गर्नुभयो । राजनीतिक दलहरुकै रवैयाले समयमा संविधान बन्न नसक्ने ठोकुवा गर्दै अध्यक्ष झाले नेपालको संविधान पत्रकारहरुको कलमबाट लेखिनेमा विश्वास व्यक्त गर्नुभयो ।
जलेश्वरमा नेपाल पत्रकार महासंघ महोत्तरी शाखाको आठौ सधारण सभामा आउनुभएका अध्यक्ष झाले श्रमजीवि पत्रकार ऐन जसरी भएपनि लागू गराउने दावी गर्नुभयो ।

आचारसंहिताको प्रश्न

भउचप्रसाद यादव
अरुको दुःख पीडा, अन्याय अत्याचारको बारेमा खबर बटुल्न आगोसँग खेल्ने पत्रकारमाथि हुने अन्याय अत्याचारको बारेमा कसले लेखिदिने, कसले रिपोर्टिड्ढ, गरिदिने, कसले छापिदिने ? उत्तर हामी हतपति पाउँदैनौँ । मैलबत्तीको हालत जस्तै हालत भएको छ एउटा पत्रकारको जसले आफूलाई पगालेर अरुलाई उज्यालो दिन्छ र आफू अँध्यारोमा बस्छ ।

वास्तवमा हरेक पेसाको आ-आˆनो आचरण हुन्छ, सीमा हुन्छ, नैतिक बन्धन हुन्छ, जसलाई सम्बन्धित पेसाको आचारसंहिता भनिन्छ । यस किसिमको आचारसंहिताको सम्बन्ध राज्यको कानुनभन्दा पनि सम्बन्धित पेसामा संलग्न पेसाकर्मीको नैतिकतासँगै रहेको हुन्छ । अरु पेसाजस्तै पत्रकारिताको पनि राष्ट्रिय अन्तर्राष्ट्रियरूपमा आचारसंहिता छन् । राज्यको चौथोसँग अड्ढ मानिने यो पेसा आˆनो आचारसंहिताभित्र बसेर काम गर्‍यो भने आमनागरिक सु-सूचित हुनुको साथै जनमानसमा यो पेसाप्रतिको सम्मान पनि बढ्छ । पत्रकारिता पेसा स्वतन्त्र हुनुपर्दछ तर स्वतन्त्रताको अर्थ अनियन्त्रित र अराजक पक्कै होइन । स्वतन्त्रताको नाममा कसैको चरित्र हत्या, अमर्यादित भाषाको प्रयोग, आधारहीन समाचारको सम्प्रेषणले सिङ्गै पेसाको साख घटाउँछ ।

विश्व परिप्रेक्ष्यमा पत्रकार आचारसंहिताको इतिहासलाई हेर्ने हो भने एक शताब्दी पनि भएको छैन । अमेरिकन न्युजपेपर एडिटर सोसाइटीद्वारा सन् १९२२ मा पत्रकार आचारसंहिताको घोषणा गरिएको थियो । यो आचारसंहिता संसारकै पहिलो आचारसंहिता थियो । त्यसपछि संसारमा नै पहिलो चोटी स्वीडेनबाट सन् १९२३ मा प्रेस काउन्सिलको अवधारणाको विकास भयो । त्यसपछि अन्य अमेरिकी र युरोपियन मुलुक क्रमशः जर्मनी, अमेरिका र बेलायतमा समेत पत्रकार आचारसंहिताको विकास भयो । त्यस्तै, दक्षिण एसियाली मुलुक भारतमा सन् १९४४ मा, पाकिस्तानमा सन् १९६५ मा, बङ्गलादेशमा सन् १९७० मा र श्रीलङ्कामा सन् १९८१ मा पत्रकार आचारसंहिता लागू भयो ।

नेपालको परिप्रेक्ष्यमा हेर्ने हो भने आचारसंहिताको दृष्टिकोणले गोरखापत्र पहिलो नेपाली पत्रिका हो । जसमा १९५८ साल वैशाख २४ गते प्रकाशित पहिलो अङ्कमा नै तत्कालीन प्रधानमन्त्री देवशमशेरले के छाप्ने र के नछाप्ने भनेर आचारसंहिताको रूपमा सनद जारी गरेका थिए ।

यसप्रकार देवशमशेरद्वारा जारी गरिएको सनद नेपाली पत्रकारिता इतिहासकै पहिलो आचारसंहिता हो । नेपाली पत्रकारिताको अर्को आचारसंहिताको रूपमा २०१४ सालमा गठित प्रेस कमिसनले नेपाली पत्रकारितालाई सुधार गर्नका लागि तयार पारेको प्रतिवेदनको परिच्छेद १२ मा पत्रकारको आचारसंहिताको रूपमा १८ बुँदा प्रस्तुत गरिएको थियो । त्यसपछि वि.सं. २०२३ मा बनेको पत्रकारको सङ्गठनले २२ बुँदाको आचारसंहिताको घोषणा गरे । जुन पत्रकारको पेसागत सङ्गठनले तयार पारेको पहिलो आचारसंहिता थियो । त्यस्तै २०२४ सालमा २१ बुँदे, २०३३ सालमा प्रेस काउन्सिलले जारी गरेको २२ बुँदे आचारसंहिता, २०४१ सालमा ११ बुँदे आचारसंहिता र २०४२ सालमा १४ वटा पत्रिकाको सम्पादक मिली १० बुँदे आचारसंहिताको निर्माण गरे ।

वि.सं. २०४६ सालमा बहुदलको आगमनसँगै पत्रकारिता क्षेत्रले पनि काँचुली फेर्ने अवसर पायो । फलस्वरूप नेपालको प्रेस काउन्सिलले २०४७ सालमा नयाँ आचारसंहिता ल्यायो । त्यसपछि प्रेस काउन्सिल ऐन, २०४८ को आगमनसँगै पत्रकार आचारसंहिता २०४९ लागू भयो । यसको लगत्तै २०५० सालमा वीरगञ्जमा भएको पत्रकारको भेलाले १४ बुँदे आचारसंहिताको घोषणा गर्‍यो । त्यसपछि नेपाल पत्रकार महासङ्घ र नेपाल प्रेस काउन्सिलले छुट्टाछुट्टै आचारसंहिता लागू गर्ने परम्परालाई तोड्दै इतिहासमा नै पहिलो पटक संयुक्त रूपमा पत्रकार आचारसंहिता २०५५ लागू भयो । यो पुरानो आचारसंहिता भन्दा अति विशिष्ट किसिमको थियो पछि छापा माध्यमका साथै रेडियो, टेलिभिजनमा समेत लागू हुने गरी २०६० वैशाख २० गते नेपाल पत्रकार महासङ्घ र नेपाल प्रेस काउन्सिलले संयुक्त रूपमा एउटा पत्रकारले के गर्नु मिल्ने र के गर्न नमिल्ने भनी प्रष्ट रूपले छुट्याएर नयाँ किसिमको परिष्कृष्ट आचारसंहिताको घोषणा भयो । यसमा एउटा पत्रकारले गर्न हुने र गर्न नहुने निम्नालिखित प्रावधान बुँदागत रूपमा प्रस्तुत गरिएको थियो ः-

पत्रकारले गर्नुहुने कामहरू ः गोपनियताको हकको सम्मान, मानव अधिकार तथा अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय सम्बन्धको सम्मान आपसीसम्बन्ध व्यावसायिक हुनुपर्नेमा जोड, प्रेस स्वतन्त्रताको सम्मान तथा संरक्षण र प्रवर्द्धनमा जोड, सूचनाको हकको रक्षा, स्वतन्त्र सम्पादकीय, शिष्ट व्यहारा, उच्च किसिमको व्यावसायिक अभ्यास, गल्ती सच्याउनमा तत्परता देखाउने, सामाजिक उत्तरदायित्वको बोध र सत्यतथ्य सूचना सम्प्रेषण ।

पत्रकारले गर्न नहुने कामहरू ः हत्या, हिंसा आतङ्क र अपराधलाई प्रोत्साहन हुने खालको समाचार सम्प्रेषण गर्न नहुने, राष्ट्रिय अखण्डता र सार्वभौमसत्तामा खलल पार्न नहुने, विज्ञापनलाई समाचार बनाएर छाप्न नहुने, कुनै पनि घटनालाई समाचार बनाउँदा घटनासँग असम्बन्धित व्यक्तिको नाम उल्लेख नगर्ने, आधारहीन र तथ्यहीन समाचार प्रकाशन गर्न नहुने, घृणा र उत्तेजना फैलाउने तथा विभत्स तस्बिर छाप्न नहुने, कुनै पीडितलाई अरू पीडा नहुने गरी कुनै पनि समाचार सम्प्रेषण गर्न नहुने, समाचारको स्रोत नखोल्ने, समाजमा प्रतिकूल असर पर्ने गरी समाचार छाप्नु हुँदैन, व्यक्तिगत स्वार्थका लागि समाचार छाप्नु हुँदैन ।

यस प्रकार आजसम्मका सबैभन्दा स्पष्ट आचारसंहिताको रूपमा रहेको यो आचारसंहिता तत्कालीन राजनीतिक परिस्थितिको कारणले त्यति प्रभावकारी रूपमा लागू हुन नसके पनि यस क्षेत्रमा यसको आˆनै महìव र विशेषता सावित भइसकेका छन् ।

यस प्रकार नेपालको पत्रकारिता क्षेत्रमा कैयौं आचारसंहिता बने, लागू पनि भयो तर आचारसंहिताको ‘अ’ पनि लागू भएन । एउटा सञ्चारमाध्यमका लागि विज्ञापन आम्दानीको प्रमुख स्रोत पक्कै हो तर हिजोआज विज्ञापनलाई विज्ञापनको रूपमा नराखी त्यसलाई समाचार बनाइन्छ । यहाँसम्म कि विज्ञापनदाताको, व्यापारीहरूको, उत्पादकहरूको जीवनी छापिन्छ, अन्तर्वार्ता छापिन्छ । हाम्रो पत्रपत्रिकाले अरूको नाङ्गो फोटोसमेत छाप्न पछि परेन । त्यस्तै स्वास्थ्यका लागि हानिकार, उपभोग्य मिति समाप्त भइसकेको मालसामान बजारमा बिक्री वितरण हुँदा समेत हाम्रो कलम र क्यामेरा त्यहाँसम्म पुग्न सक्दैन । आफूलाई ठूलो मिडिया हाउसको ध्वाँस दिनेहरूले समेत मन्त्री र सचिवद्वारा आˆनै घरमा दास बनाएर राखिएका बालबालिकामाथि निर्घात कुटपिट हुँदाको घटनालाई पुछारको समाचारसमेत बनाउन सकेन । यति हुँदा पनि आचारसंहिताको अनुगमन गर्ने जिम्मेवारी पाएको नेपाल पत्रकार महासङ्घ र नेपाल प्रेस काउन्सिलले सिन्कोसमेत भाँच्न सकेको छैन ।

आखिर यस्तो किन हुन्छ नि ? कारण घाम जस्तै छर्लङ्ग छ । राणाकालीन सनद सवाल होस् चाहे पञ्चायती शाही कमिसन, चाहे प्रजातान्त्रिक/लोकतान्त्रिक/गणतान्त्रिक अहिलेको प्रेस काउन्सिल र पत्रकार महासङ्घ सबैले पत्रकारको कलमलाई सत्ता र सिद्धान्तको दास बनाउनमा कम्मर कसेर लागे । जसको कारणले आज प्रेस काउन्सिल र नेपाल पत्रकार महासङ्घ औचित्यमाथि नै प्रश्न चिन्ह उठ्न थालेको छ । प्रेस काउन्सिलमा उजुरी गर्नेको सङ्ख्या पनि हृवातै घटेको छ । पीडितपक्ष काउन्सिलभन्दा अदालतको दैलोमा न्याय पाउन विश्वस्त देखिन्छन् । काउन्सिल र महासङ्घको अनुगमन शाखा रोगी हात्तीको जस्तै थला परेको भान हुन्छ । प्रेस काउन्सिल यति कमजोर हुनुमा नेपालमा सूचनासम्बन्धी कानुन नहुनु, सरकारी सूचना लुकाउने प्रवृत्तिको विकास हुनु, अनुमानको आधारमा तथा कानुनविहीन अवस्थामा अनुगमन गर्नुले आज प्रेस काउन्सिल यति कमजोर हुँदै गएको देखिन्छ । यति मात्र नभई दल र नेताहरूको छत्रछायामा हुर्केका अधिकांश पत्रकारको कारणले र आचारसंहिताको चर्को नारा लगाउने तर व्यवहारमा लागू नगर्ने जस्ता प्रवृत्ति प्रेस काउन्सिलको खुट्टामा जाँतो बनी अल्भिmसकेका छन् ।

तर जे होस् नेपाली पत्रकारिताको आˆनो यात्राको सय वर्ष पूरा गरिसकेको र दर्जनांै आचारसंहिता बनिसकेको अवस्थामा पनि नेपालमा पत्रकारिता एउटा मर्यादित पेसाको रूपमा स्थापित हुन नसक्नु वास्तवमा एउटा दुखद पक्ष हो र यस पेसासँग सम्बन्धित हामी सबैको ठूलो कमजोरी हो ।

Monday, August 24, 2009

mahotari media

कमिशन नदिंदा महासंघलाई दिने रकम रोकियो
संचारकर्मीले महोत्तरी जिल्लामा हुने गरेको विकास निर्माण कार्यमा भएको अनियमितताबारे समाचार सम्प्रेशन गर्न थाल्दा नेपाल पत्रकार महासंघ महोत्तरी शाखाको भवन निर्माण कार्यलाई निरन्तरता दिन सहयोग गर्न छुट्टाइएको रकम जिल्ला विकास समिति कार्यालय दिन अस्विकार गरेको छ ।संघसंस्थालाई सहयोग गर्न छुट्टाइएको दश लाख रुपैया नेपाली काँग्रेस,नेकपा एमाले, एकिकृत नेकपा माओवादी, मधेशी जनअधिकार फोरमसहितको सातदलले त्यो पैसा बाँडिसकेका छन । महासंघको भवन निर्माण कार्यलाई निरन्तरता दिन चाहिने १२ लाख रुपैया जिविसले सहयोग गर्ने प्रतिबद्धता जनाएको थियो । तर महासंघले स्थानीय विकास अधिकारी,जिविसको कर्मचारी र राजनीतिक दलका प्रतिनिधिलाई चाहिने कमिशन दिन नचाहेको कारण महासंघलाई दिने भनिइएको सहयोग रोकिएको स्रोतले जनाएको छ ।जनआन्दोलन दुईमा संचारकर्मीले खेलेको भूमिकाको कदर तत्कालिन सातदलिय संयन्त्रले सार्वजनिक जग्गा उपलब्ध गर्राई महासंघको भवन निर्माण गर्न लाग्ने २० लाख रुपैया जिविसबाट दिलाउने प्रतिबद्धता ब्यक्त गरेको थियो । जिविसले हालसम्म दिएको सात लाख पचास हजार रुपैयाँले भवन निर्माण कार्य सुरु गरिसकिएको छ ।

Sunday, August 23, 2009

jadap in mahottari

७ भदौ महोत्तरीको औरहीमा स्थानीयबासी र सशस्त्र प्रहरीबीच झडप हुँदा ४ प्रहरीसहित १२ जना घाइते भएका छन।घाइते हुनेहरुमा सशस्त्र प्रहरी हवल्दार रामलखन राय यादवसहित ४ जना प्रहरी छन भने औरही–३ बस्ने उपेन्द्र चौधरी, महेश्वर चौधरी,तेजी सदासहित ८ जना स्थानीयवासी रहेका छन।शनिवार बेलुका उपेन्द्र चौधरीले आफ्नी श्रीमतीलाई कुटेको भन्दै अनुसन्धानको लागि प्रहरी औरही पुगेका थिए। त्यहाँ प्रहरी पुगेपछि चौधरीको समर्थकहरुद्वारा प्रतिकार गरेपछि प्रहरी र स्थानीयबासीबीच झडप भएको हो। उपेन्द्रकी श्रीमतीलेर् आफ्नो श्रीमान चौधरीले रक्सी खाइ कुटेको भन्दै सशस्त्र प्रहरी बेस क्याम्प औरहीमा मौखिक उजुरी दिएकी थिइन।घाइते मध्ये ५ जनाको जनकपुर अञ्चल अस्पतालमा र ७ जनाको बर्दिबासमा उपचार भइरहेको सशस्त्र प्रहरीले जनाएको छ।

Saturday, August 22, 2009

Jai Ganesh

Caurchan and Ganesh.



In mithilanchal every people celebrate caurchan .Ganesha — the elephant-deity riding a mouse — has become one of the commonest mnemonics for anything associated with Hinduism. This not only suggests the importance of Ganesha, but also shows how popular and pervasive this deity is in the minds of the masses.

The Lord of Success
The son of Shiva and Parvati, Ganesha has an elephantine countenance with a curved trunk and big ears, and a huge pot-bellied body of a human being. He is the Lord of success and destroyer of evils and obstacles. He is also worshipped as the god of education, knowledge, wisdom and wealth. In fact, Ganesha is one of the five prime Hindu deities (Brahma, Vishnu, Shiva and Durga being the other four) whose idolatry is glorified as the panchayatana puja.

Significance of the Ganesha Form
Ganesha's head symbolizes the Atman or the soul, which is the ultimate supreme reality of human existence, and his human body signifies Maya or the earthly existence of human beings. The elephant head denotes wisdom and its trunk represents Om, the sound symbol of cosmic reality. In his upper right hand Ganesha holds a goad, which helps him propel mankind forward on the eternal path and remove obstacles from the way. The noose in Ganesha's left hand is a gentle implement to capture all difficulties.

The broken tusk that Ganesha holds like a pen in his lower right hand is a symbol of sacrifice, which he broke for writing the Mahabharata. The rosary in his other hand suggests that the pursuit of knowledge should be continuous. The laddoo (sweet) he holds in his trunk indicates that one must discover the sweetness of the Atman. His fan-like ears convey that he is all ears to our petition. The snake that runs round his waist represents energy in all forms. And he is humble enough to ride the lowest of creatures, a mouse.

How Ganesha Got His Head
The story of the birth of this zoomorphic deity, as depicted in the Shiva Purana, goes like this: Once goddess Parvati, while bathing, created a boy out of the dirt of her body and assigned him the task of guarding the entrance to her bathroom. When Shiva, her husband returned, he was surprised to find a stranger denying him access, and struck off the boy's head in rage. Parvati broke down in utter grief and to soothe her, Shiva sent out his squad (gana) to fetch the head of any sleeping being who was facing the north. The company found a sleeping elephant and brought back its severed head, which was then attached to the body of the boy. Shiva restored its life and made him the leader (pati) of his troops. Hence his name 'Ganapati'. Shiva also bestowed a boon that people would worship him and invoke his name before undertaking any venture.

However, there's another less popular story of his origin, found in the Brahma Vaivarta Purana: Shiva asked Parvati to observe the punyaka vrata for a year to appease Vishnu in order to have a son. When a son was born to her, all the gods and goddesses assembled to rejoice on its birth. Lord Shani, the son of Surya (Sun-God), was also present but he refused to look at the infant. Perturbed at this behaviour, Parvati asked him the reason, and Shani replied that his looking at baby would harm the newborn. However, on Parvati's insistence when Shani eyed the baby, the child's head was severed instantly. All the gods started to bemoan, whereupon Vishnu hurried to the bank of river Pushpabhadra and brought back the head of a young elephant, and joined it to the baby's body, thus reviving it.

Ganesha, the Destroyer of Pride
Ganesha is also the destroyer of vanity, selfishness and pride. He is the personification of material universe in all its various magnificent manifestations. "All Hindus worship Ganesha regardless of their sectarian belief," says D N Singh in A Study of Hinduism. "He is both the beginning of the religion and the meeting ground for all Hindus."

Ganesh Chaturthi
The devotees of Ganesha are known as 'Ganapatyas', and the festival to celebrate and glorify him is called Ganesh Chaturthi.

Thursday, August 20, 2009

Tarai’s language dilemma

Tarai’s language dilemma
- Pramod Mishra
Those who have designated Hindi as their mother tongue in Nepal can’t write it correctly Khas-speaking Nepalis oppose Hindi because they fear Hindi will, with its bigger force, undermine the predominance of Khas or challenge the Khas-dominated national identity. A few Maithili and Bhojpuri (I haven’t seen any Awadhi-speaking opposition to Hindi) speakers along with some Khas speakers oppose Hindi because they rightly think that Hindi will eat up these weaker languages spoken as mother tongue in the Nepali Tarai. On the other hand, the Tarai parties almost unanimously support Hindi’s prominence along with Maithili, Bhojpuri, Awadhi and so on. What is the underlying mystery behind this confusing language politics?
While I leave the specialized analysis of linguistic complexity to professional linguists such as Drs. Ramavtar and Yogendra Yadav, who have done significant work on Maithili and Nepal’s other languages, I am going to offer here my understanding of the tussle between Hindi and Maithili.
Why has Hindi become the lingua franca of the Tarai despite the absence of any curricular, official support as it exists in India? Bollywood and Indian television may have been reasons in recent years for its spread but the main reason is the failure of Maithili, Bhojpuri and Awadhi to shed their rustic, dehati association, on the one hand, and the discriminatory politics of successive Nepali and Indian governments on the other.
There is a two-fold reason for the failure of Maithili as a formal language of widespread use: political discrimination and philological misunderstanding, on the one hand, and the vice-like grip of the big castes-predominently Brahmins but also Kayasths and Rajputs and to a lesser extent Bhuminars-of Madhubani district of Bihar (panch kosh) on its written verse and prose forms, on the other. Maithili dramas have a more mixed nature because while these are written by members of the big castes they are performed for the general public in a Maithili spoken.
The situation of Bhojpuri and Awadhi resembles Maithili in their dehati nature but not in the six hundred years of Maithili’s written literature. True, Awadhi has Tulsi Das’s 16th-century Ramcharitmanas and Malik Mohammad Jayasi’s Padmavat of the same period but anything else of note after that? And Bhojpuri may have some recent activists championing its written verse and prose forms without much traction in the curriculum and the official world, it certainly is roaringly popular as a dehati language of racy, raucous songs and poems-“Ara heele Baliya heele, Chapra heele la” readily comes to mind-and recent movies of north Indian village culture. One is not sure if recent activism alone will make Bhojpuri and Awadhi shake off their rusticity and rise to the formal, official level without years of government support.
Mathili’s case is more complex. Richard Burghardt, whose untimely death was a great loss to South Asian area studies, has written an incisive essay on the fate of Maithili as a language. What I knew from my general observation and experience as a Maithili speaker, Burghardt confirmed in his scholarly findings. For example, I knew that Maithili and Sanskrit as elective subjects in Bihar’s Public Service Commission tipped the balance in favor of Maithili Brahmins and Kayasthas in Bihar’s state-level jobs, the same way the alumni of Tindhara Pathsala in Kathmandu become Nepal’s civil servants in hordes by writing their public service exams with Nepali and Sanskrit as optional subjects with the added advantage of Nepali as a medium of writing and interview. As far as I know, Lalu Yadav put paid to this unfair advantage that went against non-Maithili writing Biharis, such as those who spoke Maithili but didn’t learn its written forms and Angika, Magahi Bhojpuri and Bajjika speakers.
This government disfavour dates back to at least the 18th century. But one can easily extend this discrimination against Maithili farther back in time because after the Muslim control of north Bihar, Persian became the language of official business and gradually Urdu the spoken form in the official world. Maithili may have thrived better in the palaces of Malla kings in medieval Nepal but its fate in north Bihar remained tied with the Maithili pandits’ finicky written form and the rural folk’s language of folk songs, plays and to a limited extent verses.
Burghardt clearly lays out how Maithili suffered in the 19th century since the first census of 1872. George Grierson, the first philologist to have investigated north Indian languages thoroughly, studied Maithili extensively and fluctuated between designating it as an independent language like Bengali and Oriya and denigrating it as a descendent of a non-existent “Bihari” language. And the British census takers, too, following the philologist considered it as a dialect of Bihari and later the Indian government after Independence counted it as a dialect of Hindi to bolster the Hindi-speaking nationhood and avoid the Maithili-speaking areas separating from Bihar. Thus, Maithili always suffered from philologists’ misunderstanding and Indian government’s political exigency. And in Nepal, Khas became Nepali and the Rana and Shah rulers left no room for any other language in the state structure.
But the Maithili elite were no less to blame for Maithili’s misfortunes. For example, in the 1961 Indian census more than half of the Maithili-speaking population dropped Maithili as their mother tongue in favour of Hindi. Why?
True, Mathili is spoken by almost everyone in its various forms from the border of Bengal in the east to the border of Bhojpuri-speaking areas of western Bihar and central Nepal. Even in Jhapa and Morang, save for the Rajbanshis and Bengali Muslims, other Taraiwasis, such as Yadavs, Kebarat, Gangais, etc., speak Maithili. But they would much prefer Hindi to Maithili when it comes to Maithili’s written form. Why? The reason is the dominance and monopoly of the big castes, especially the Maithili Brahmins on its written form and their idea of what is chaste or shuddha Maithili. In particular, the so-called pure Maithili spoken within what is called panch kosh in Madhubani district of north Bihar; it has monopolized its written form. That sort of Maithili, they say, “is the preserve of those who cultivate their minds, not their fields.” To further quote Burghardt, “In the former category one finds Maithils from the so-called ‘big’ castes: the Maithil Brahmans who are guardians of Sanskritic knowledge, the Bhumihar Brahmans who are the traditional landlords of Mithila and the Kayastha scribes who kept the accounts and revenue records for the Bhumihars.” Burghardt left out the Rajputs. That is why, having grown up in a Rajbanshi environment, when I first encountered the written form of Maithili in my college on the banks of the Ganges, it appeared an alien language to me. So I never studied Maithili either in high school or college, opting instead for Sanskrit and speaking Maithili only as my mother and father tongue and loving its folk forms, from hilarious parodies to Vidyapati’s more nuanced, somber and erotic songs.
And my father always wrote his letters to me in his broken Hindi and when he died, I switched from Hindi to dehati Maithili to write letters to my mother, which others in the village read out to her. Writing in Nepali, Hindi or chaste Maithili would have felt artificial, embarrassing to me and to her. That’s why, it is also said that “Maithili is woman’s speech, the menfolk opting for Hindi in their more public lives.”
Maithili, Bhojpuri and Awadhi by all means need state patronage and promotion. Maithili certainly deserves the status of an official language but its written form has been the preserve of the Maithili Brahmins and Kayasths of certain districts of north Bihar. They will be its immediate beneficiary in government jobs rather than the larger populace who speak it but do not care for its so-called pure, panch kosi form.
On the other hand, Hindi is nobody’s mother tongue. And even those who have designated it as their mother tongue in Nepal can’t write it hundred percent correctly because of Hindi’s complex grammatical gender system. Hindi is a learnt language for everyone. A Nepali-, Maithili-, Bhojpuri-, Awadhi- or whoever has to labor equally to learn it. For example, when I went to India to study, it didn’t take me long to beat most Biharis in Hindi exams. Although Sanskrit-knowing Brahmin teachers and writers and Hindutva ideologues still try to steer it toward tatsam vocabulary and pandit-Hindi, Gabbar Singh-Hindi, Lalu-Hindi and Ghazal-Hindi are too powerful a force to be tamed by the RSS volunteers.
Now, if Maithili breaks free of its caste and geographical barriers in its written form and Maithili, Bhojpuri and Awadhi manage to have infrastructure in schools, they certainly deserve their due official recognition and government patronage because a common Taraiwasi lives in these languages.
But then the question of the recognition and empowerment of languages in Nepal is not just the internal dynamic of a specific language; it’s more a matter of how those who do not speak Khas or Nepali as their mother tongue and are not hill high caste Hindus can have parity with Khas-speaking hill high castes in the state structures. That is the crux of the language question in Nepal. If the new constitution addresses the bigger issue, the language question will no longer remain as volatile.
Beyond language wars
- Pramod Mishra
The Vice President’s oath in Hindi and the Supreme Court’s judgment against it has once again thrust the contentious issue of language center stage. Even as Nepal worries its head over whether VP Jha ought or ought not to retake his oath in Greek or Farsi or Swahili, it’s time to give a different turn to the language question.
Yes, Khas-speaking Nepalis (I am going to use “Khas” for “Nepali” just to separate the language from the nation-state and language-based nationalism and see how it works in the discourse about languages in a multicultural country) must be proud of the Khas language and so should the speakers of Hindi- or Nepal bhasha- or any other language. And when Khas-speakers or Khas sympathizers like me, who now speak Khas more than any other language, celebrate Khas language and literature at home and abroad, we should all be proud of its achievements. A language spoken by a handful of hill Hindus only a couple of centuries ago has spread all over the country and beyond and produced, since Bhanubhakta’s days, an admirable body of literature.

Let’s all celebrate it.
But Khas speakers and their enthusiasts and its sympathizers must not try to impose the language on others in the state institutions at a time when Nepal and Nepalis are engaged in redefining Nepali identity and restructuring the Nepali state. Khas speakers trying to impose and belligerently shame VP Jha into retaking oath in Khas is the same hubris if VP Jha would say that everyone else in Nepal should take their oath in his language, be it Hindi or Maithili or whatever. In other words, the emergent Nepal cannot have a monolingual identity.
I of course know that Khas in time changed its name and became Nepali, with the barrel of the gun became the language in which the government functioned, and during the Panchayat era became invested with emotional nationalism, but we are not living in the Panchayat or Rana periods. We have had more than one uprising and over ten years of insurgency and more than ten thousand deaths. Why? To repeat the exhausted slogans and ideas of Panchayat nationalism? Instead of broadening the field of discourse, expanding the mental horizon and making our hearts capacious, the Supreme Court decision has made it a backward-looking force, which it has often been in matters of ethnicity — It defeated the attempt to make Maithili and Nepal Bhasa mediums of communication in Janakpur and Kathmandu municipalities respectively and sat on the citizenship bill in the 1990s just because some advocates filed petitions. So, the Supreme Court in its present form for all its legal expertise and service has fallen short of a new Nepal.
In the new constitution, the structure of the Supreme Court needs to be revamped and justices need to be chosen or elected, somewhat like in South Africa, by an independent panel comprised of the diversity of professions, political parties, civil society, legal experts and so on so that those who become justices are not only legal luminaries but can keep the interest of the country’s diversity and future in mind rather than advocate the failed ideas of the past about language and nation and national identity. At this sensitive point of transition from the past to the future, the best the Supreme Court could have done to help the country was to sit on the petition against the Vice President’s oath and let the Constituent Assembly (CA) make the decision about language in due course.
What are the consequences of the VP retaking his oath in “Nepali”? Have the justices thought about it? It will further alienate the Tarai from the mainstream and give the separatists and hate-mongers another pretext to spread their hate against Khas-speakers. No matter how Khas-speaking Nepalis can show their belated advocacy of the Tarai languages, they should know that Hindi remains the lingua franca of the Tarai, whatever the number of its speakers as mother tongue. That is a fact. And since the census has found that about two hundred thousand Taraiwasi speak Hindi as their first language, and members of parliament and even ministers take their oath in Hindi, what was the harm in the VP taking his oath in Hindi and signing the Nepali version for the records? He could have taken his oath in Farsi or Greek or whatever for all I care as long as what he says in his oath commits him to be an honest, Nepal-loving, Nepal-defending high official of the state.
This is not a time for narrowness; this is a time to expand one’s intellectual horizon and political sympathies. That day would be a truly multicultural day when a Khas-speaking high official takes his oath in Hindi or in any other language than his mother tongue and a Madhesi or any non-Khas speaker voluntarily takes his oath in Khas rather than being forced by the Supreme Court. In order to cultivate a multicultural habit of mind for a new Nepal, how about mandatory taking of oath of office in other than one’s first language for at least ten years?
In the interest of plurality and internationalism, I offer the following:
a. Almost every VDC, at least in the Tarai, now has an English medium “boarding school” where anybody who can afford sends his or her child to study in English medium. In the past decade, there has already been a sizable number of young folk who use English. hat will be the role of their English in Nepal? Only tourism, English teaching and English journalism, science and technology, and manpower export to the English-speaking West? What about their role in the state structure as civil servants, security officials and politicians in a globalized world?
b. It’s not just the foreign ministry that needs English-capable personnel. Almost every ministry now needs personnel fluent in English. And especially those ministries that need high ranking officials to interact with our neighbors need to be efficient in the languages of the neighbors. There are examples of Nepali officials in the border areas where they have to sit in meetings with Indian or Chinese officials, but they know neither Hindi nor English nor Chinese enough to serve the interest of the state well. As a result, they cannot effectively accomplish the international tasks.
c. On the other hand, those who are posted in ethnic areas within the country need to be efficient in the local languages and cultures of the region. For example, an Indian Administrative Service official who becomes a cadre of a particular state learns the language of the state in addition to his English, Hindi or whatever language he has as his mother tongue in order to carry out his or her duties effectively. And because they don’t know ethnic languages other than Khas and/or their mother tongue within Nepal, they fail to win the hearts and minds of the people and serve them effectively. In a new Nepal, the civil servants’ and security officials’ language skills need to be mandatorily broadened even as diversity is created in recruiting personnel. Emphasis on Indian or African language learning became the core of a colonial official’s training for employment in the British Empire. In this sense, Nepali officials have been worse even than the colonial officials.
d. A new Anglophone Nepali ethnicity has come into existence in the past decade or so in Nepal. This is not just the case of Nepal. It’s all over the world. English is gradually supplanting Hindi or at least going hand-in-hand with it in India. One needs to look at the crop of young journalists and writers who have emerged in the past decade in the Nepali public sphere. And the mushrooming English-medium schools are going to produce thousands of Anglophone Nepalis in the future. Nepal-loving and patriotic, this Anglophone manpower will not be Khas- or any one-language fanatics. They will love their languages and do everything to enrich them but because of their broader training and exposure to the English language and its treasures of ideas, they will more likely be more broad-minded and balanced in their judgment; they may not wish to impose their language, culture and way of life on others. They will be more willing to go out of their narrow box and reach out to other cultures, languages, classes and peoples who are not like them, don’t dress like them, or speak like them. They will have more tolerance and room for ambiguity in matters of identity and culture.
And so it is time that we thought of issues of language and culture not in terms of outdated national identity but in terms of how Nepalis will survive and thrive both as a multicultural country and as part of a more complex global community. It is only through the acceptance of one another rather than rejection of others or imposition of one’s language and culture on others that a new society can come into being. And English can work as a powerful force to create that expansive vision. And when Khas-speaking Nepalis’ hearts and minds expand and become inclusive, Khas language may truly become Nepal’s beloved language acceptable to a broader swathe of non-Khas ethnicities in addition to its continued relevance as an official language. But narrow-minded belligerence will only breed narrow-minded counter-belligerence.

Tuesday, August 18, 2009

badhi in mahottari


In mahotari flood affects at least 1500 families.Schools are closed.

Monday, August 10, 2009

krisna

Who is Krisna?

Krisna lived approximately 5000 years ago, and is well known throughout eastern history as one of the planets greatest Avatars. In the Hindu religion's holy trinity of Brahma (Creator), Visnu (Preserver) and Shiva (Destroyer), Krisna was the 8th reincarnation of Visnu, while Buddha was next as the 9th, and Babaji was his last incarnation.

He is the best loved among the 1 billion Hindu followers today who worship Visnu. Krisna is a playful Avatar with peaceful yet warrior-like qualities. He's often seen with his beloved Radha (below), or in battle with his companion Arjuna, protected with the power of God he's often seen as blue in color or with a blue radiant aura.


Discovering The Divine Within

It is my belief and experience that we are ALL here to experience this divine essence within ourselves. We are each divine beings, and here to enlighten our consciousness and raise our vibration to recognize the "Krisna" within us. When we honor this possibility and see it as a potentiality, the divine being at our core begins to emerge. We can effortlessly manifest our desires faster and easier!

When we recognize that worshiping anything "outside" of our body, is simply a way to get in touch with the divine within, then we stop making a separation in our minds between us and the divine. When we can bring the mind to complete silence, stillness and utter calm, we see clearly that we are The Divine, and always were. The divine being that we see and feel in these ascended masters OPENS our being by quieting our mind. When we surrender to this quiet stillness there is only freedom to be found...

Sunday, August 2, 2009